In 1896, as part of a rising anti-Indian agitation, white settlers
in the colony of Natal formed two populist organisations to pressure the
government. Both the European Protection Association and Colonial Patriotic
Union garnered widespread support and within a few months the Union had
collected 5514 signatures to a petition requesting the government ‘to adopt
measures which will prevent the influx of Asiatic races into this colony’.
At much the same time, and after three years of activism in the
Transvaal and Natal, Mohandas Gandhi returned to India to ‘represent the
grievances the Indians are labouring under in South Africa’. While
he was overseas, colonial newspapers reported that Gandhi had published a
pamphlet declaring ‘Indians in Natal are robbed and assaulted and treated like
beasts, and are unable to obtain redress’. Even though these reports were false
and were later retracted, settlers were incensed that Gandhi had dared ‘to come
to the Colony of Natal, to take everything that was fair and good in it, and
then to go out of it and blackguard those whose hospitality he had been
enjoying’.
The organised agitation against Indian immigration was already
well advanced when it became known in December 1896 that two steamers, the S.S. Courland and S.S. Naderi were en route to Durban from Bombay with more than 600
Indian passengers on board. Gandhi was among them, for he and his family had
boarded the Courland and were
returning to Natal. The ships had left India at the end of November and arrived
at Durban after almost three weeks at sea on 18 December 1896; but in spite of
the fact that both steamers ‘had absolutely clean bills of health on arrival
and during the whole of their respective voyages’ they were immediately placed
under quarantine. Meanwhile, at packed demonstrations in Durban there were
calls to ‘sink the ships’, to
send all the passengers back to India and ‘to take a coolie by the neck and
throw him overboard’. At one meeting a speaker was applauded when he announced
that ‘Gandhi was on board one of the boats and the greatest service they could
do him would be to do him an injury. He believed Gandhi was very anxious to
become a hero and martyr to his cause.’
After 25 days in the humid summer heat, the steamers were
finally granted pratique. Wary of the agitation, the ships’ agents delayed
bringing the ships into port until 13 January, when bugles were sounded in
Durban, shopkeepers put up their shutters and crowds streamed to the Point. It
was estimated that five thousand men were assembled when the vessels made their
way into the harbour. Prime minister John Robinson hurriedly despatched the
attorney general, Harry Escombe, to Durban to contain the crisis and broker a
deal with the demonstrators, for the cabinet worried that the situation had the
potential to spiral out of control.
As the crowd gathered at the Point, Escombe visited the
vessels to assure the passengers that it was safe to land and no harm would
come to them. He then came ashore and addressed the white protesters. He
appealed to their sense of justice and called on them to ratify the pledge he
had given to the passengers. He asked that the crowd ‘trust the Government, as
we have trusted you’ and ‘expressed sympathy with their desire that Natal
should remain a white Colony, governed in accordance with Anglo-Saxon
traditions’. He gave assurances that the ministry was doing all it could to
negotiate with the imperial and Indian governments to stop immigration pending
the passage of new legislation. The
regular parliamentary session would open in early March, two months earlier
than usual, to deal with the immigration question. He congratulated the leaders of the
demonstration on ‘having made the Government more keenly alive’ to the urgency
of supplying a remedy to the ‘Asiatic question’ and implored the crowd ‘to
leave the matter in the hands of the Government and not to hamper it by unconstitutional
action’.
Escombe also appealed to the demonstrators not to harm
Gandhi, ‘as by doing so they would only strengthen the hand of the Indians’. Seconded
by the leaders, he persuaded the crowd to disperse and by early afternoon the
Point ‘had resumed its normal appearance’ and all but one of the Indian
passengers were ‘quietly landed, and without resistance’.
By late afternoon on 13 January, only Gandhi remained on
board the Courland. Escombe had
advised that he leave the steamer quietly at night so as to avoid attention,
but a local lawyer and friend, F.A. Laughton, boarded the ship and suggested they
land together before dark and make their way to the residence of Rustomjee
Sheth, one of Gandhi’s friends. At 5pm he disembarked with Laughton and was
almost immediately recognised by a group of boys who began to shout ‘“Gandhi,”
“Gandhi,” “thrash him”, “surround him”’. Before long a large mob had gathered
and proceeded to follow the pair along West street. Laughton was pulled away
and Gandhi ‘was kicked, whipped, stale fish and other missiles were thrown at
him, which hurt his eye and cut his ear’. At one point he almost lost
consciousness and was forced to cling on to the railings of a nearby house.
While he
was suffering the wrath of the mob, Gandhi was approached by the wife of
Durban’s superintendent of police. She opened her umbrella for his protection
and began to walk at his side. Unwilling to strike or ‘insult a lady,
especially the wife of the old and popular Superintendent of Police’, the
attackers tried to aim their blows at Gandhi without assaulting her and
consequently the injuries he received after she joined him were not serious. By
this time the police had been informed of the attack and a number of constables
surrounded Gandhi and escorted him to Sheth’s residence.
However,
his travails were not yet over. Soon a huge crowd blockaded the building and threatened
to burn it and everyone in it unless Gandhi was handed over to them. The
superintendent of police, concerned that the mob would force their way through
the door, sent a constable into the house dressed up as an Indian trader. While
the superintendent amused the crowd by singing popular songs and talking to
them, Gandhi was instructed to disguise himself as a police constable. He was
able to leave undetected and was taken to the safety of the police station. The
mob, which had been chanting ‘We’ll hang old Gandhi from the sour apple tree’,
dispersed quietly once a search of Sheth’s house revealed that Gandhi was no
longer present.
In his
recent biography Ramachandra Guha characterises this attack as ‘far more important’
than the well-known incident three years earlier when Gandhi was thrown off a
train at Pietermaritzburg station; for while in Pietermaritzburg he had been
‘the victim of one person’s racism, expressed at one time alone’, in Durban
Gandhi ‘was the target of the collective anger of (virtually) all the whites in
Natal’. The violence he experienced in Durban was therefore ‘more revealing of
the racial politics of South Africa and of the challenges faced by Mohandas
Gandhi himself’.
This event
is also directly linked to restrictive immigration laws in both South Africa
and Australia. The Natal parliament responded to the agitation by enacting an
immigration restriction act in 1897. This law, along with its ‘non-racial’
education test, would provide the model for Australia’s own Immigration
Restriction Act of 1901.
References
Most of this material is sourced from J. Martens, ‘A Transnational History of
Immigration Restriction: Natal and New South Wales 1896- 1897’, The Journal
of Imperial and Commonwealth History, Vol. 34 No. 3, 2006, pp. 323- 344.
Refer to this article for a comprehensive list of references.
See also R. Guha, Gandhi before India (London, 2013), Chapter 5.
See also R. Guha, Gandhi before India (London, 2013), Chapter 5.
No comments:
Post a Comment